Die besluit van minister Thoko Didiza om meer as 700 000 ha se plase wat sedert 1994 reeds in staatsbesit is aan begunstigdes van grondhervorming oor te dra, is een van die wysste besluite wat haar departement nóg geneem is.
Die familieboerorganisasie Saai verwelkom dié besluit, wat talle van sy swart familieboerderylede raak. Die departement moes dié besluit egter reeds 20 jaar gelede geneem het.
In Mpumalanga, Oos-Kaap en Limpopo was heelwat van Saai-lede onder beleg van die departement se pogings om grond – waarop sommige van dié lede al ’n dekade of langer boer – aan derde partye te verhuur. In die Oos-Kaap het die afsetting van suksesvolle swart boere ten gunste van goed verbonde ANC-kaders hoofopskrifte gehaal. Saai het regshulp aan dié lede verleen om hulle teen korrupte amptenare te beskerm.
Soortgelyke afsettings het menige swart familieboer in Mpumalanga in die gesig gestaar. Saai was gereed om die belange van dié lede in die howe te gaan verdedig toe die minister haar aankondiging maak. Die erkenning dat die departement se inligting oor die plase en die bestuur daarvan uiters gebrekkig is, is die regte beginpunt om die chaos in haar departement reg te ruk. Korrupte amptenare het van sommige boere verwag om omkoopgeld te betaal om verblyfregsekerheid te kry.
Swart boere in Suid-Afrika se grootste uitdaging is om toegang tot finansiering te kry. Die staat het sedert 2007 reeds nie meer titelaktes aan begunstigdes in die herverdelingsprogram oorgedra nie. Pleks daarvan is aangekoopte plase as staatsgrond aan swart boere verhuur. Hierdie sagte vorm van nasionalisering het boere verhoed om dié plase as sekuriteit aan banke aan te bied en hulle kon dus nie toegang tot finansiering kry nie.
Landbank se kredietafgradering en swak posisie in die mark vererger die krisis aansienlik. Honderde ontwikkelingsprojekte wat van Landbank afhanklik was, staan gevaar om skipbreuk te ly weens befondsingsprobleme. Die departement het herhaaldelik bewys dat die staat ’n swak alternatiewe insetfinansierder is en het meer swart boere in ernstige finansiële moeilikheid gedompel as wat hulle gehelp het.
Deur nou titelaktes aan hierdie swart familieboere te gee, word groter verantwoordelikheid, toegang tot finansiering en ’n kans op welvaartskepping bewerkstellig. Dit maak hulle minder afhanklik van staatskenkings en minder kwesbaar vir die korrupsie onder amptenare.
Saai glo dat die departement se wye negatiewe mediadekking oor die afgelope paar maande ’n groot rol in die minister se besluit gespeel het. Die verdoemende hofuitspraak in die Rakgase-saak in Limpopo – waarin die departement gedwing is om sy ondernemings gestand te doen en waaruit die afknou van swart boere duidelik blyk – asook die geval van Vuyani Zigana – wat ná 12 jaar van ’n staatsplaas afgeskop, sy beeste geskut en die plaas as ’n vyfde plaas aan ’n welvarende ANC-kader gegee is – het internasionaal opslae gemaak.
Saai skakel weekliks met buitelandse verteenwoordigers en landbou-unies. Daar word deurlopend gevra hoe die ANC-regering ’n rampspoedige grondwetwysiging wil deurvoer om vir onteiening sonder vergoeding voorsiening te maak terwyl die staat oor miljoene hektare se onbenutte of onderbenutte grond beskik. Dit is skreiend hoe min die departement weet van plase onder sy beheer en wat daarop aangaan. Dit plaas ernstige vraagtekens oor ander data en inligting wat die departement bestuur, maar veral oor die grondoudit wat hulle laat doen het. Die minister se openhartige erkenning hiervan is egter al ’n groot stap in die regte rigting.
Dreigemente van ’n radikale herverdeling van water berus op dieselfde – of selfs swakker – data en is, soos die grondkwessie, eerder ’n politieke speelbal as ’n ekonomieswetenskaplike oplossing.
Hoewel minister Didiza die land in haar vertroue geneem het met die erkenning van gebrekkige vermoë en bestuur in haar departement, moet sy ook eerlik wees oor die departement se vermoë om aan haar voorneme gestand te doen om die betrokke staatsplase aan swart boere oor te dra. Die grootste risiko vir begunstigdes is dat haar amptenare haar in die steek laat en dat oordragte nie gebeur nie. Saai en ’n aantal van ons netwerkvennote bied aan om haar daarmee van hulp te wees.
Saai welcomes the transfer of state farms to family farmers
The decision by Minister Thoko Didiza to transfer more than 700 000 ha of farm land that have been in state ownership since 1994 to beneficiaries of land reform is one of the wisest decisions that her department has ever made. The family farmers’ organisation Saai welcomes this decision, which affects many of its black family farmer members. The Department should have made the decision 20 years ago, however.
Many Saai members in Mpumalanga, the Eastern Cape and Limpopo were embattled by the Department’s attempts to lease the properties – on which some of these farmers have been farming for a decade or longer – to third parties. In the Eastern Cape the eviction of successful black farmers in favour of well-connected ANC cadres became front page news. Saai provided legal support to these members to protect them from corrupt officials.
Similar evictions faced many a black family farmer in Mpumalanga. Saai was ready to defend the interests of these members in court when the Minister made her announcement. The acknowledgement that the Department’s information on farms and the management thereof are poor hails in the start of addressing the chaos in her department. Corrupt officials expected some of the farmers to pay bribes to enjoy security of right of abode.
The greatest challenge to black farmers in South Africa is to obtain financing. The state has since 2007 failed to transfer title deeds to beneficiaries of the redistribution programme. Instead, farms that had been bought were leased to black farmers as state land. This soft form of nationalism prevented farmers from offering these farms as security to banks to obtain financing.
Landbank’s credit downgrade and poor position in the market exacerbate the crisis significantly. Hundreds of development projects that depend on Landbank are facing ruin as a result of funding problems. The Department proved repeatedly that the state is a poor alternative input financier, plunging more black farmers into serious financial problems rather than helping them.
Giving title deeds to black family farmers brings about more responsibility, greater access to financing and an improved chance on wealth creation. This makes them less dependent on state donations and less vulnerable to the corruption of officials.
Saai believes that the Department’s wide negative media presence over the past few months played a significant role in the Minister’s decision. The damning court ruling in the Rakgase case in Limpopo – the Department was compelled to make good on its undertakings, while the bullying of black farmers was highlighted – as well as the case of Vuyani Zigana – who was evicted from this farm after 12 years, his cattle impounded and the farm given to a well-to-do ANC cadre as a fifth farm – made international headlines.
Saai connects weekly with foreign representatives and agricultural unions. These continuously ask how the ANC wants to carry through a devastating amendment to the Constitution to allow for expropriation without compensation, while the state has millions of hectares of unused and underused land. It is a downright shame that the Department knows so little about the farms under its control and what happens on these farms. It casts serious suspicion over the data and information that the Department manages, but especially over the land audit that it had requested. The Minister’s sincere acknowledgement of this is a major step in the right direction, however.
Threats of a radical redistribution of water are based on the same – or even poorer – data and are, like the land issue, a political game rather than an economic-scientific solution.
Although Minister Didiza took the country into her trust by acknowledging the poor capabilities of and management in her department, she should be frank about the Department’s ability to deliver on her promise to transfer ownership of state farms to black farmers. The greatest risk to beneficiaries is that officials fail her and that transfers do not happen. Saai and a number of its network partners volunteer to be of help in this regard.
